David Harvey on Urbanization
I have been reading David Harvey’s book The Condition of Postmodernity. It is probably best known for Harvey’s theory of time-space compression. In short, time-space compression describes how information driven capitalism conjoined with advanced communication systems have eliminated or rendered obsolete modern temporal and spatial barriers for the transference of financial flows, labor, and knowledge and in the process have produced new kinds of limits and crisis conditions for global capital.
The best part of the book though, I think, is really the first half where Harvey discusses modernism and postmodernism from the standpoint of political economy, culture, and urbanization. Harvey’s take on modernity stems from a brief quotation by Baudelaire: “modernity…is the transient, the fleeting, the contingent; it is the one half of art, the other the eternal and the immutable”. Using this as a heuristic device, Harvey situates the modern project as a form of creative destruction, the aim of ordering the world, generating cultural grammars and ideations of progress, and the taming of nature all rest on the erasure of traditions as well as given material and social formations. This is where cultural modernism enters the picture for Harvey. It represents the attempt to construct something permanent through representation and myth-making that can anchor experience within the chaotic and destructive tendencies inherent in modern society.
Harvey is particularly interesting when he is discussing postwar urban development on the model of large scale rational planning as embodied in the architecture of Mies van der Rohe and Les Corbusier. What emerges here is an interesting defense of Fordist urbanism which has been almost universally derided for its austere and alienating tendencies. While Harvey would agree in part with Jane Jacob’s analysis of the deadening aspects of such forms of built space, perhaps best represented by public housing projects like Stuyvesant in New York or the Robert Taylor Homes in Chicago, he also recognizes that given the historical conditions, Fordist urban planning was able to accomplish a great deal in the public interest and promote, through broad-based projects of rationalized design, equality of opportunity, social welfare, and economic growth. Writing of the European context he states:
It would, I think, be erroneous and unjust to depict these ‘modernist’ solutions to the dilemma of postwar urban development and redevelopment as unalloyed failures. War-torn cities were rapidly reconstructed, and populations housed under much better conditions than was the case in the interwar years. Given the technologies available at the time and the obvious scarcity of resources, it is hard to see how much of that could have been achieved except through some variant of what was actually done.
Jane Jabcob’s famous critique in Life and Death of American Cities was leveled at how postwar urban planners and architects like Howard Moses, Le Corbusier, and Ebenezar Howard, ignored the organic complexity and self-diversification of urban life, viewing it as just so much chaos to be tamed through centralized instrumental design and short-sighted technocratic dreams of auto-centric progress. The usefulness of Harvey’s account is that he splits the difference in these positions. He does so by demonstrating how post-Fordist or postmodern schemas of urban planning and design celebrate just the kind of mixed and diversified development that Jacobs supported. However, he shows that the guiding mechanism and normative basis behind this type of urban renewal over the last thirty years or so has been the market as opposed to either the organic self-diversification that Jacob’s advocated or the large-scale social planning of Fordist development. While in some cases neoliberal-postmodern urban development has led to the renewal some urban spaces it has done so at the expense of producing new forms of alienation and social deprivation. For instance, regional cultures are too often buried amidst the proliferation of corporate franchises and sterile mass market condominiums. It has also contributed to intensified spatial-polarization and social inequality within the city.
The lesson that Harvey offers here is this, rationalized planning in the public interest is a necessity, however, the underlying logic of such projects has to be attentive to organic complexity, cultural diversity, and democratic social life. Neither the market nor blind technocratic omniscience can promote sustainable democratic development .However it is foolish to abandon large-scale social planning particularly in light of advancing economic instability and environmental crisis. I think the question becomes what types of economic, cultural, and architectural grammars and forms of representation might be suitable to ground such projects and/or make such projects possible given our current historical conditions and limitations?